Between a Crackdown and a Tibetan Welcome
One writer’s peaceful experience in Western Sichuan during the riots left him yearning to return.
The Network of Spiritual Progressives
A message from Rabbi Michael Lerner & the Tikkun/NSP Community
I'm sending you Eli Zaretsky's valuable analysis of the current dispute about Wright and some of the deeper issues that are now coming to the surface in the Obama campaign. I think it is an important piece, although in some minor respects I disagree with it, or at least disagree with some of what was left out. So I would like to add the following points:
1. It's important to note that Wright defended Minister Farrakhan again yesterday at the National Press Club talk. Farrakhan's anti-white, anti-gay, and anti-Semitic discourse has been challenged over and over again, so it seems quite incredible that an intelligent minister like Wright could not understand and fully internalize how dangerous such talk is, not only to the Obama campaign but to any hopes of reconciliation between Blacks and Whites in this society.
2. I don't think it is fair to blame Hillary for this wound. And I don't think Zaretsky is giving adequate attention to the strong misogyny which persists in our society. To suggest or imply that women have the psychology of the "ruling class" misses the degree to which patriarchy and oppression of women continues, even while that oppression gets misused by some upper class women to advance their narrow materialistic, power-oriented, or selfish agendas ,
3. It still remains completely unfair to blame Obama for Wright, particularly after his forthright statement again on Tuesday, April 29th, clearly stating that he finds Wright's statements offensive and the opposite of what he and his campaign are about.
4. Zaretsky talks about the circus clown that Wright has become-but that circus was created by the media. The media persistently refuses to inform the American public about the actual policy issues in the campaign, and instead insists that "the issues" concern the nuances of how each candidate is talking about the other, or nuances of their personal lives, or now, of former spiritual advisors.
So much as I think Zaretsky's points here are quite important, I think that the real culprit in all of this is the media and its systematic distortions of the political process in the U.S. We are in the midst of a war in which over a million have been killed and millions left homeless, many of them wounded or even scarred for the rest of their lives. We are facing the 21st century possibility of an end to human life on our planet either through nuclear war or most likely through environmental crisis. We have an economy that is collapsing around us. We are in a world in which twenty to thirty thousand people are dying of malnutrition-related diseases every day. It is in this reality that we face major choices about who understands all this and who has the vision and the courage to provide us a path toward peace, environmental sanity, economic well-being, and a world in which kindness and generosity replaces violence and hatefulness. In the midst of all this, the media has switched the attention to the nut-case rantings of an otherwise quite intelligent preacher whose recent teachings are distorted and rejected by the candidate on whom they seek to pin responsibility.
This entire reality is so crazy and so destructive that we need to speak out in anger at the distortions the U.S. media have fostered by focusing away from the discussions so badly needed in the U.S. today. And since this point would appear to be self-serving if made by Obama, then certainly it should be made by spiritual progressives and other rational people who haven't themselves gotten so caught up in the fun of mutual destruction that the media loves to foster as entertainment parading as news. Can't we just say "no" to this kind of stupid and quite evil media and refuse to let our attention be switched in this manipulated way?
That said...why is Hamas still set on destroying Israel? If Israel and its people can acknowledge that their Palestinian cousins deserve to have a homeland, why can't the fundamentalist anti-Semites give up their hatred and narrow-mindedness and welcome the Jewish people back home?I believed, and to this day still believe, in our people's eternal and historic right to this entire land. ...
Painfully, we the people of Israel have learned to change our perspective. We have to compromise in the name of peace, to give up parts of our promised land in which every hill and valley is saturated with Jewish history and in which our heroes are buried. We have to relinquish part of our dream to leave room for the dream of others, so that all of us can enjoy a better future.
I imagine her grandfather when I look at her face and I say, 'You killed Jews, but look what this Jew is doing to your granddaughter.' I'm no pervert. Just an Israeli enjoying life.Missing--I assume--is the interview with the woman or object in this case. The fact that this guy, whom I believe must be a generation or two removed from WWII, likes to see his girlfriend's grandfather's face while he's giving it to her is f@%&ed up. That some males get off on revenge fantasies and take it out on innocent women is disturbing.
"One attempt at a new approach involves a group in Sderot that has started holding discussions with Palestinians in Gaza via speakerphone. The group, Another Voice, is urging a cease-fire. There is also a new blog, a discussion between a resident of Sderot and one of Gaza, both anonymous."
One writer’s peaceful experience in Western Sichuan during the riots left him yearning to return.
THE ride in the Chinese minivan had taken 11 hours. After enduring multiple delays, the crossing of a treacherous 16,000-foot mountain pass and a seatmate who chain-smoked the entire way, casually flicking the ashes into his lap, I had arrived in Dege. I was in the culturally Tibetan area of western Sichuan Province, practically on the border of the Tibetan Autonomous Region. I had come to Dege to visit the sacred Bakong monastery, which is both the world’s largest library of ancient Tibetan Buddhist texts and a printing house where monks hand-ink thousands of pieces of religious paraphernalia every day.
It was Wednesday, March 19.
Moments after I sat down in the lounge of the cheap but comfortable Gesar Guesthouse, two police officers entered. The man, in a blue uniform, sat across from me and never spoke. The woman, who wore a long gray coat and a black sweater that said “Police” where an alligator emblem might have been, did all the talking, through a translator. “We advise that you leave here tomorrow,” she said. “It’s very dangerous.” It was, I confirmed, a polite way of kicking me out of town. The police were always polite. “It’s for your own safety,” she insisted.
All of western Sichuan had been closed to foreigners. According to news reports, thousands of Chinese soldiers were flooding into the area to douse any revolutionary sparks threatening to ignite in Tibetan lands, following the riots in Lhasa a few days earlier. Tourists already in the region were being gently expelled; those heading toward it were stopped at checkpoints and ordered to turn back. For the time being, this travelers’ paradise — with sky-scraping alpine scenery, stunningly beautiful people and a culture that exudes the exotic in everything from its dress to its religion to its architecture — was completely sealed off.
I knew about Lhasa, of course. I’d seen long Army convoys trundling over roads throughout the region, with canopied trucks filled with uniformed young men. Camouflaged troops marched through every major town, with helmets on, riot shields raised, clutching batons and chanting with the intent to intimidate.
On Tuesday, March 18, while I was staying in the town of Ganzi, a small clash erupted; according to residents, a group of some 20 monks and their supporters were vocally but nonviolently protesting the arrest of a Buddhist nun who had phoned India — banned since the events in Lhasa — when they were attacked by soldiers. Local rumors alleged between one and five protesters beaten to death, with no soldiers hurt. (The Tibetan government-in-exile names three killed.) Stores on the usually lively streets were promptly shuttered, many people stayed indoors, and police vehicles cruised around broadcasting messages of Chinese-Tibetan unity from loudspeakers.
Despite all this, I felt perfectly safe. The soldiers ignored me, and the Tibetans were as genuinely, enthusiastically welcoming as any people I had met anywhere on the planet. I understand how one who wasn’t there could question my judgment, could think I’m naïve. But for the hours in Ganzi immediately after the episode of excessive force, there was no real menace in the air, and no sense of a riot or rebellion simmering below the surface. The soldiers generated a temporary tension when they marched by, but townspeople mostly viewed them as an insult or a nuisance, not an imminent threat. In all, everything felt calm.
I have an acute sense of self-preservation, yet the assertion from the two police officers in Dege that I was in danger — particularly from the Tibetans, from whom I was purportedly being protected — struck me as preposterous.
I thanked the police for their concern, and persuaded them to let me stay an extra day, after which I would absolutely have to leave. And, I was told, I had to change hotels. “This one isn’t safe enough,” the policewoman declared, which seemed to me to be a questionable assertion. Though not certified to house foreign guests, my hotel was no less secure than the one that she “recommended,” which was just 100 yards away, had no sink or shower in the entire place, and provided a 10-foot-long tiled trench for a common toilet.
As our conversation progressed, it became clear that the police officers’ version of reality was being molded to fit government orders. Attempting to reason with people employed to sustain that reality was like trying to find out who’s on first.
I finally turned to the translator and asked if she thought all of this was crazy. She wouldn’t say anything, even though the officers spoke no English, but she laughed in the affirmative.
Despite the apparent urgency of getting me out of Dege, I stayed for three days, since the road out was closed because of heavy convoy traffic. I spent many hours among the local people and pilgrims who came to circumambulate the monastery, and was met with unanimous, unmistakable warmth. They were, conclusively, no threat.
I harbored some anxiety about overstaying my welcome. But the police, who were everywhere, paid me no attention. Many soldiers were overtly friendly, waving and saying “Hello” in English. I shouldn’t have been there, but no one cared that I was.
While this was a relief, it was also confusing. I didn’t know if the rules really mattered, what the consequences might be for violating them and how much of that depended on the whimsy of any given person in uniform. Looming behind everything was the shadow cast by China, its human rights record, and its intolerance of lawbreakers. As a result, I succumbed to a few baseless paranoid fantasies, even slashing slits in my backpack straps to stash my photo memory cards, which were my greatest concern.
Over those three days, the scene in Dege, which never felt tense, relaxed even more. Soldiers began marching without helmets, shields or clubs; they looked like a group of students out for some exercise, their faces expressing that their mission was a bore.
When I was able to return to Ganzi, the checkpoint at the edge of town conveyed an altogether more serious situation. Soldiers with machine guns eagerly surrounded the minivan I was in and flung open its doors on both sides. One of them addressed me in hurried, gruff tones; I calmly replied in English, “I don’t speak Chinese.” He stared at me, speechless, then turned his attention to the Tibetans in the vehicle. I wasn’t even asked to show my passport.
Walking openly around town, I wasn’t questioned once by the police positioned at every intersection. Bizarrely, my presence seemed of no concern to anyone. The mood on the streets was as vibrant as when I’d first been there, and local people confirmed that life had returned essentially to normal. I was tempted to stay. Though deep in forbidden territory, I thought I might get away with it. There were still many mountain villages near Ganzi that I wanted to explore.
Hungry to squeeze every last drop out of the trip, I envisioned myself playing out a traveler’s version of “The Treasure of the Sierra Madre.” Recalling the movie’s end, however, and noting that those who wanted me out had badges, I decided I had experienced plenty, and left. But regrets linger.
I’m yearning to return — once it’s safe again.


Clockwise from top left: Ghost Squadron. For search and rescue; National Reconnaissance Office. Dragon is code for infrared imaging on advanced KH-11 satellites; Desert Prowler. May represent Groom Lake, Nev., a k a Area 51; Special Projects Office. Oversaw F-117A stealth fighter support; 4451st Test Squadron. Stealth fighters; 413th Flight Test Squadron. Possibly referring to simulated or real electronic threats against aircraft. More Photos >
Skulls. Black cats. A naked woman riding a killer whale. Grim reapers. Snakes. Swords. Occult symbols. A wizard with a staff that shoots lightning bolts. Moons. Stars. A dragon holding the Earth in its claws.
No, this is not the fantasy world of a 12-year-old boy.
It is, according to a new book, part of the hidden reality behind the Pentagon’s classified, or “black,” budget that delivers billions of dollars to stealthy armies of high-tech warriors. The book offers a glimpse of this dark world through a revealing lens — patches — the kind worn on military uniforms.
“It’s a fresh approach to secret government,” Steven Aftergood, a security expert at the Federation of American Scientists in Washington, said in an interview. “It shows that these secret programs have their own culture, vocabulary and even sense of humor.”
One patch shows a space alien with huge eyes holding a stealth bomber near its mouth. “To Serve Man” reads the text above, a reference to a classic “Twilight Zone” episode in which man is the entree, not the customer. “Gustatus Similis Pullus” reads the caption below, dog Latin for “Tastes Like Chicken.”
Military officials and experts said the patches are real if often unofficial efforts at building team spirit.
The classified budget of the Defense Department, concealed from the public in all but outline, has nearly doubled in the Bush years, to $32 billion. That is more than the combined budgets of the Food and Drug Administration, the National Science Foundation and the National Aeronautics and Space Administration.
Those billions have expanded a secret world of advanced science and technology in which military units and federal contractors push back the frontiers of warfare. In the past, such handiwork has produced some of the most advanced jets, weapons and spy satellites, as well as notorious boondoggles.
Budget documents tell little. This year, for instance, the Pentagon says Program Element 0603891c is receiving $196 million but will disclose nothing about what the project does. Private analysts say it apparently aims at developing space weapons.
Trevor Paglen, an artist and photographer finishing his Ph.D. in geography at the University of California, Berkeley, has managed to document some of this hidden world. The 75 patches he has assembled reveal a bizarre mix of high and low culture where Latin and Greek mottos frame images of spooky demons and sexy warriors, of dragons dropping bombs and skunks firing laser beams.
“Oderint Dum Metuant,” reads a patch for an Air Force program that mines spy satellite images for battlefield intelligence, according to Mr. Paglen, who identifies the saying as from Caligula, the first-century Roman emperor famed for his depravity. It translates “Let them hate so long as they fear.”
Wizards appear on several patches. The one hurling lightning bolts comes from a secret Air Force base at Groom Lake, northwest of Las Vegas in a secluded valley. Mr. Paglen identifies its five clustered stars and one separate star as a veiled reference to Area 51, where the government tests advanced aircraft and, U.F.O. buffs say, captured alien spaceships.
The book offers not only clues into the nature of the secret programs, but also a glimpse of zealous male bonding among the presumed elite of the military-industrial complex. The patches often feel like fraternity pranks gone ballistic.
The book’s title? “I Could Tell You but Then You Would Have to Be Destroyed by Me,” published by Melville House. Mr. Paglen says the title is the Latin translation of a patch designed for the Navy Air Test and Evaluation Squadron 4, at Point Mugu, Calif. Its mission, he says, is to test strike aircraft, conventional weapons and electronic warfare equipment and to develop tactics to use the high-tech armaments in war.
“The military has patches for almost everything it does,” Mr. Paglen writes in the introduction. “Including, curiously, for programs, units and activities that are officially secret.”
He said contractors in some cases made the patches to build esprit de corps. Other times, he added, military units produced them informally, in contrast to official patches.
Mr. Paglen said he found them by touring bases, noting what personnel wore, joining alumni associations, interviewing active and former team members, talking to base historians and filing requests under the Freedom of Information Act.
A spokesman for the Pentagon, Cmdr. Bob Mehal, said it would be imprudent to comment on “which patches do or do not represent classified units.” In an e-mail message, Commander Mehal added, “It would be supposition to suggest ‘anyone’ is uncomfortable with this book.”
Each year, the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, a private group in Washington, publishes an update on the Pentagon’s classified budget. It says the money began to soar after the two events of Mr. Bush’s coming into office and terrorists’ 9/11 attacks.
What sparked his interest, Mr. Paglen recalled, were Vice President Dick Cheney’s remarks as the Pentagon and World Trade Center smoldered. On “Meet the Press,” he said the nation would engage its “dark side” to find the attackers and justice. “We’ve got to spend time in the shadows,” Mr. Cheney said. “It’s going to be vital for us to use any means at our disposal, basically, to achieve our objective.”
In an interview, Mr. Paglen said that remark revived memories of his childhood when his military family traveled the globe to bases often involved in secret missions. “I’d go out drinking with Special Forces guys,” he recalled. “I was 15, and they were 20, and they could never say where they where coming from or what they were doing. You were just around the stuff.”
Intrigued by Mr. Cheney’s remarks as well as his own recollections, Mr. Paglen set off to map the secret world and document its expansion. He traveled widely across the Southwest, where the military keeps many secret bases. His labors, he said, resulted in his Ph.D. thesis as well as a book, “Blank Spots on a Map,” that Dutton plans to publish next year.
The research also led to another book, “Torture Taxi,” that Melville House published in 2006. It described how spies kidnapped and detained suspected terrorists around the globe.
“Black World,” a 2006 display of his photographs at Bellwether, a gallery in Chelsea, showed “anonymous-looking buildings in parched landscapes shot through a shimmering heat haze,” Holland Cotter wrote in The New York Times, adding that the images “seem to emit a buzz of mystery as they turn military surveillance inside out: here the surveillant is surveilled.”
In this research, Mr. Paglen became fascinated by the patches and started collecting them and displaying them at talks and shows. He said a breakthrough occurred around 2004, when he visited Peter Merlin, an “aerospace archaeologist” who works in the Mojave Desert not far from a sprawling military base. Mr. Merlin argued that the lightning bolts, stars and other symbols could be substantive clues about unit numbers and operating locations, as well as the purpose of hidden programs.
“These symbols,” Mr. Paglen wrote, “were a language. If you could begin to learn its grammar, you could get a glimpse into the secret world itself.”
His book explores this idea and seeks to decode the symbols. Many patches show the Greek letter sigma, which Mr. Paglen identifies as a technical term for how well an object reflects radar waves, a crucial parameter in developing stealthy jets.
A patch from a Groom Lake unit shows the letter sigma with the “buster” slash running through it, as in the movie “Ghost Busters.” “Huge Deposit — No Return” reads its caption. Huge Deposit, Mr. Paglen writes, “indicates the bomb load deposited by the bomber on its target, while ‘No Return’ refers to the absence of a radar return, meaning the aircraft was undetectable to radar.”
In an interview, Mr. Paglen said his favorite patch was the dragon holding the Earth in its claws, its wings made of American flags and its mouth wide open, baring its fangs. He said it came from the National Reconnaissance Office, which oversees developing spy satellites. “There’s something both belligerent and weirdly self-critical about it,” he remarked. “It’s representing the U.S. as a dragon with the whole world in its clutches.”
The field is expanding. Dwayne A. Day and Roger Guillemette, military historians, wrote an article published this year in The Space Review (www.thespacereview.com/article/1033/1) on patches from secret space programs. “It’s neat stuff,” Dr. Day said in an interview. “They’re not really giving away secrets. But the patches do go farther than the organizations want to go officially.”
Mr. Paglen plans to keep mining the patches and the field of clandestine military activity. “It’s kind of remarkable,” he said. “This stuff is a huge industry, I mean a huge industry. And it’s remarkable that you can develop these projects on an industrial scale, and we don’t know what they are. It’s an astounding feat of social engineering.”
